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Re: [socialcredit] William
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exchange vs free? Triumpho
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Fw: Article on Soc Wallace
Re: [socialcredit] W. McGun
Re: [socialcredit] W. McGun
Re: [socialcredit] Keith Wi
Re: [socialcredit] Joe Thom
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Re: [socialcredit] William
money as claim-tic Triumpho
RE: [socialcredit] William
Re: [socialcredit] Janos
Re: [socialcredit] William
Réf. : Re: [social edsa
Re: [socialcredit] William
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RE: [socialcredit] Ed Dodso
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Re: [socialcredit] William
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Usury and Roman Ca William
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Replying to Janos William
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Subject:Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ
Date:Monday, August 15, 2005  23:48:32 (-0400)
From:Keith Wilde <keithwilde @.........ca>
In reply to:Message 2480 (written by W. McGunnigle)

Thanks very much for this exhaustive commentary, Bill.  I will pass it on to my local contacts who circulated it as a reinforcement of some objectives of their own.
 
Keith
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Monday, August 15, 2005 10:16 PM
Subject: Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

Hi Keith
           The document is the one that Lowell forwarded to the Democrat Party for adoption as policy around 2000. It received some support, but contained too strong a Socialist bent to be accepted per se by the Party. The biggest stumbling block was his confusion between Universal Basic Income and National Dividend. It has never been policy of the Social Credit Party or Its successor the Democraat Party to offer a Universal Basic Income. This would have been a permanent ongoing financial liability on any government similar to debenture stock in a company. It is Democrat policy to pay a National Dividend to all citizens during years when there is a balance of payments surplus i.e. when government income exceeds its expenditure. Effectively making all citizens ordinary shareholders in the country. Democrat policy today provides for a Minimum Basic Income designed to alleviate hardship, but this is only available to those in need. Lowell's proposal applied to everyone irrespective of financial means. It was unsustainable. Much of what Lowell presented appears radical and reformist however close examination reveals that it is simply a Socialist programme couched in sugary terms to satisfy a Nrew Zealand audience. His programme on in depth examination by our finance committee, contrary to his stated aims, would have resulted in an ever increasing debt burden for the New Zealand government, and, as such, did not comply with the basic tenets of our policies which has always been to reduce government debt. Lowell tried to introduce some of these ideas into the party manifesto without consultation or approval through the proper channels. This resulted in his censure and subsequent resignation from the party. He did not support Douglas Social Credit theory, developing his own mathematical approach that was submitted to me for examination. As previously stated my critique of his work resulted in a permanent rift between the two of us. I am sorry that I am unable to forward that material to you, but I failed to duplicate it and lost it all in a computer crash in early 2003. At the time it did not appear to be particularly relevant to party policy. It did require stage one statistics and stage two maths( year one and year two unviversity level respectively) to understand his reasoning, but, as previously mentioned, the proof involved four differential equations and hence four undeterminable unknowns. He was vague about where he could obtain these unknowns, and, to be honest, I don't think he knew. He tried a graphical approach, but they were all exponential graphs very difficult to transpose into a linear form, and, in any case, the size of the intercepts would have been below the normally accepted margins of error. In effect, sadly, despite his efforts, the work was scientifically useless. His report however did highlight major problems with our economy. These were:-
1) A permanent and ever increasing current account deficit brought about by the sale of strategic assets in New Zealand into foreign ownership between 1987 and 1996
2) The lack of control over our money supply due to the "free flow " of currency across our borders without any restraints. This leads to instability in the international value of the New Zealand dollar.
3) The highlighting of the money creation system as a debt incurring system that is ultimately inflationary.
 
  On these matters he did not infringe Socred/Democrat Party policy and he was widely accepted as a reputable and
reasonable spokesperson for the party on these matters. It was only when he began to question and diverge from the basic tenets of Socred Philosophy that he began to run foul of the core members of the party. He simply would not accept the logic of Douglas's arguments and we realised he was not a monetary reformer in the sense that the rest of us were. His attempts to create a new Lowell Manning economic theory indicated he was reinventing the wheel in  a manner incomprehensible to the general public. This was unacceptable to us. We ourselves believe we have a duty to modify Douglas's principles to take into account modern global thinking, but that the basic research he did is still valid today and can be used to explain all but the most advanced nuances of financial dealings. Even there only minor modifications to Douglas theory are necessary. Effectively Douglas theory has the same relevance to finance that the Theory of Relativity has to Physics. Relativity explained a staggering amount of Physical phenomena, and, although genii like Stephen Hawking have added modifications to it, its basic conceptions are still valid. We no longer believe in the flat earth theory, but that is where financial thinking still lies in the bulk of the world today. Those controlling world finances understand Douglas concepts only too well, but they don't wantanyone else to have the same enlightenment particularly those in governments. Lowell's thinking on financial matters is fraught with tunnel vision. He cannot see beyond his own pet theory. This is unfortunate because he was a tireless worker in the Wellington area for the Democrat party.
    regards
           Bill McGunnigle
 
 
 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Monday, August 15, 2005 4:00 PM
Subject: Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

Bill, the document is in the body of this text.  Just scroll down a few inches.  It does not contain mention of Social Credit, as you say, but it has been circulated among "money reformers" here, and it gave me cause to wonder what his local experience and reputation may (be) have been.
 
Keith
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Sunday, August 14, 2005 8:33 PM
Subject: Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

Hi Keith
             You didn't attacht a copy of the "Manning Plan" that you have. Lowell did produce an economic plan for the Alliance that followed a different line to the one he produced for the Democrat Party. Neither plan included references to Social Credit views or Philosophy. Lowell's resignation from the Democrat party was the inevitable outcome of his failed attempts to undermine and divert the focus of our monetary reform policy away from Social Credit Philosophy to his own concepts. Broadly he held modified Keynsian views, but with aspects peculiar to Lowell Manning. I have no doubt about his sincerity, but he is a loner, and has difficulty adjusting to those who are prepared to critique his work and offer positive suggestions. Please send me the plan you have as a personal e-mail my e-amil address is wmcgunn@maxnet.co.nz .  I look forward to your reply
 
 Bill McGunnigle    
 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Saturday, August 13, 2005 11:41 PM
Subject: Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

I haven't noticed comments on this item from anyone other than Bill McGunnigle, and since the Manning Plan he describes does not sound like the same one that I was inquiring about, I am appending the latter to the bottom of this correspondence in hope of some further reactions.
 
KW
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Wednesday, August 10, 2005 5:27 AM
Subject: Re: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

Hi Keith
            I analysed Lowell's plan for him over a period of about three months. It was an attempt to devise some means of predicting general world financial trends, and thereby plan New Zealand's economy to take advantage of his predictions. It involved four differential equations and hence four integrations involving four varaibles that could not be determined. I told him that for all practical purposes it was unworkable. John Butcher ( Professor of Mathematics Auckland University now retired) agreed when I consulted him about it. Lowell fiddled around with it, but still finished up with a mathematical treatis that was a great academic exercise, but useless for all practical applications. Compared to Douglas's simple approach that can be understood by anyone of moderate intelligence it bore no comparison. After my forthright critique Lowell's reaction was to severe all further communication with me. He has since severed his association with the NZ Democrat Party.  Lowell himself never subscribed to Social Credit principles and was a source of disruption at conferences etc whenever Socred Theory was being discussed. John Rawson can give you further details about him.
  W.H.Mc Gunnigle
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Wednesday, August 10, 2005 5:36 PM
Subject: [socialcredit] Manning Plan_for NZ

I wonder if our New Zealand correspondents have any comment on Lowell Manning's 2000 document on monetary reform for their country, from their Social Credit perspectives?
 
Keith Wilde
 

A RAY OF HOPE FROM NEW ZEALAND

 

The Six-Policies Manning Plan for Monetary and Economic Reform:

Hope springs eternal in the human breast - thank God. Perhaps the most hopeful monetary reform statement I have read is that of Lowell Manning, who was for many years the convenor of policy for the New Zealand Democratic Party, which is of similar nature to the green parties in Europe. He is a retired civil engineer, with formal qualifications in psychology and sociology.

Below is a slightly shortened version of Lowell Manning's submissions to an Independent Review of the Operation of Monetary Policy conducted by the New Zealand Treasury Department in 2000. The six "primary instruments of monetary policy" set out in the submission have since been developed into what I call the Six-Policies Manning Plan for Monetary and Economic Reform.

The Six Policies involve:

1. A commitment to zero balance current accounts through a judicially applied foreign exchange transactions surcharge.

2. A debt and interest-free, public service money supply linked to fundamental reforms of the banking system and the encouragement of local exchange currencies.

3. Tax reform, including a domestic transactions tax, by which tax collection will become automatic, almost costless, and strictly neutral.

4. A universal, basic income, as a national dividend payable to every citizen, regardless of means and income.

5. A commitment to building up a strong network of local exchange currencies, to quickly enable everyone who wishes to take part in worthwhile economic activity to do so.

6. The adoption of measures of economic and cultural wealth that are appropriate to the drive for sustainable living standards - unlike the Gross Domestic Product and Consumer Price Indexes.

The Six-Policies Plan is presented as a complete social package. Here is Lowell Manning's explanation of how the policies together offer the prospect of a well-structured economy: "Each of the six policies is a powerful stand-alone policy, but the sum of the six is vastly more powerful than the parts. For example, policy 4 is hard to introduce without policies 2 and 3. While universal income is now being very widely discussed around the world, I believe my proposal is the only one so far that provides seamless integration with existing 'social welfare', and the ability to fund it properly without significant tax increases."

For a summary of the Six-Policies Plan (1,700 words) or the Plan in detail (16,400 Words), please E-mail Lowell Manning direct - lowellmanning@hotmail.com or manning@kapiti.co.nz

For a summary of the Six-Policies Plan (1,700 words) or the Plan in detail (16,400 Words), please E-mail Lowell Manning direct - lowellmanning@hotmail.com or manning@kapiti.co.nz

I think it is useful to constantly let politicians, economists and entrepreneurs know about hopeful proposals like the Manning Plan, if only to give some meaning to the otherwise hopeless predicament they find themselves in, as peons to bureaucratic protocol and corporate vested interests.

In friendship,

Boudewijn Wegerif, What Matters Programme Folkhogskola Vardingeby **

 

Slightly abridged - Summary of Submissions to the Independent Review of the Operation of Monetary Policy, of the New Zealand Treasury Department.

By Lowell Manning - September 28, 2000

The present monetary policy is based on fallacy. I am not suggesting any malice on the part of past governments, the Reserve Bank, or their advisors, but I believe the country cannot progress while its monetary policy is operated on the basis of denial.

As long as monetary policy is based on 'real' growth as the Gross Domestic Product increase minus Consumer Prince Index inflation, we are subtracting one invalid, unreliable measure from another invalid measure, producing a completely meaningless outcome. In this case, two major wrongs create chaos.

In New Zealand, as elsewhere, nearly all money is created as interest-bearing debt. Taken as a whole, the interest charges on that money can only be funded through the creation of further debt. The interest passes to the beneficiaries of the banking system, that is, depositors, shareholders, employees and contractors. A small portion also goes to the government as taxation. In this process real wealth is transferred from the borrowers to the beneficiaries.

The money supply therefore has to increase exponentially to accommodate the interest payments unless total productivity increases at the interest rate, or unless all the wealth accumulating to the beneficiaries is redistributed to the borrowers. In practice there is no evidence to support such productivity increases or wealth redistribution. This means the debt system is inherently inflationary. If the overall interest rate on the money supply is, say, 6% and there is real productivity growth of, say 2%, then there is 4% inflation built into the economy.

-- For many years now, monetary policy has been specifically directed to avoiding rather than addressing the fundamental truths:

(a) The monetary system is inherently inflationary by an amount equal to the interest charges across the whole of the debt-created money supply less increases in productivity, (probably around 5% over the past year or two, but in double digits in other years when interest rates were much higher)

(b) The interest charges represent a continual drift of wealth to those that already have real wealth from those that don't, that is, to the rich from the poor. The total drift is of the same order as inherent inflation rate.

(c) The use of high interest rates to "kill" inflation is the absolute, diametric opposite of any coherent anti-inflation policy. High interest rates increase real inflation by an amount equal to the interest rate rise minus any further productivity increases that can be squeezed out of an ever more oppressed productive sector.

-- Inflation is "wrung" out of the economy by killing the patient to cure the cold, using the price mechanism to decrease the demand for new money essential to maintain, let alone increase economic activity. Ordinary people are forced into an ever worsening standard of living and quality of life, reducing the ability of government to provide infrastructure, reducing any chance of significant real wage increases, reducing employment and income opportunities for the nation as a whole (the national economic benefit).

Meanwhile, the "free trade" agenda encourages cheap imports to mask the inflationary pressure, initiating balance of payments problems, which are partly offset by seeking foreign direct investment (mainly through the sale of New Zealand's land, assets and citizenship). Natural resources are "used up", leaving future generations with environmental social and infrastructure deficits they may never be able to repay or put right. Some of our productive companies have moved offshore. We are suffering a chronic "brain drain" as qualified people leave for greener pastures abroad. The masking of inflation by such means results from institutional denial, the failure to acknowledge that the financial system is itself fatally flawed.

-- New Zealand's unsustainable current account deficit is the direct outcome of the measures used to mask the true underlying inflationary effects arising from the monetary system itself. Some of these measures are the sale of the nation's assets into overseas ownership, the repatriation of medium term foreign direct investment, and the unilateral reduction of trade barriers. The chickens are coming home to roost from the failed policies of the past 15 years or more.

Most of the country's public companies and all but one of its major banks are foreign owned or controlled. Recent financial outflows have been large, one reason why New Zealand's share market has been one of the worst performing markets in the world.

As a nation, we have long since "used up" any stopgap current account benefits arising from such policies and are now in a strong deficit situation. Under current monetary policy, the likely course of action is to join the well documented Third World "export" trade treadmill whereby an ever increasing proportion of our total production is sent offshore in an impossible effort to "pay our way" in the world, while the quality of life of our citizens steadily declines.

Trade is a zero-sum game. The more we are forced into supplying overseas markets for the sole purpose of closing our trade gap, the more we are forced into ever increasing competition with other countries, with a consequent reduction in our terms of trade (unless we start specialising in short run, high quality, high value goods and services that offer choice on world markets. I believe such a transition will take much longer than we have available).

International treaties (WTO, IMF, WB) allow countries to protect their balance of payment/current account. I have seen precious little effort to do so.

-- Perhaps the greatest single instability factor on the value of New Zealand's currency is currency speculation, the dissociation of financial transactions from the real economy. In New Zealand something in the order of 99% of all financial transactions are speculative.

While it may be argued that hedging foreign transactions in goods and services is a necessary precaution under present financial policy, the question is "why is such hedging needed in the first place?"

The "market" is dominated by speculation because there are very few if any controls on the quantity or flow of money. Many individual players in the speculation game have vast financial resources. While speculation itself may appear to be a zero-sum game, the effects of speculation fall directly on the people in the form of currency depreciation and currency instability.

My main point is that speculation cannot succeed without currency instability. Instability is the lifeblood of speculation. If you create stability you regain control of the currency.

-- I propose six new primary instruments of monetary policy:

(a) The phasing in of a debt-free money supply through the Reserve Bank coupled with progressive restraints on money creation through the private banking system (such as by the re-introduction of reserve ratios)

(b) The introduction of interest-free loans through the Reserve Bank to fund voter approved government and local government capital works.

(c) A substantial surcharge on all financial transactions involving the purchase or exchange of foreign currency, sufficient to stop financial speculation, correct the current account deficit and, and, over time, repay government foreign debt.

(d) The introduction of a valid, reliable and objective measure of inflation.

(e) The introduction of valid, reliable and objective measures of national economic benefit, individual well-being and real productive growth.

(f) Government intervention to ensure all New Zealanders share fairly in the additional wealth created.

The accountancy relating to these proposals does not need to be as "creative" as the process by which money is created and accounted now.

-- The use of debt-free money has been a defining debate through the centuries. Elections in the US have been fought, won and lost on it. The issue has now reached critical mass again in substantial measure because automation and computerisation have enabled the financial paper economy to become dissociated from the real economy to an extent not previously contemplated. This introduction of debt-free money is anti-inflationary. In its most basic form, it simply seeks to substitute new and existing debt with debt-free instruments that remove the interest component from the money supply itself. One example is the issue of debt-free notes to repay government bonds as they mature. The direct outcome is that LESS new money needs to be created than is the case under the present system. Subject to capacity limits, this then allows monetary targets to be set to enable sustainable increased production to take place throughout the economy.

The proposal requires only minor amendment to the Reserve Bank Act.

-- The use of interest-free loans for voter approved public capital works simply means the public can get much more infrastructure for the same amount of money. At the moment, most of the repayments go into interest on the loans raised to build the works. Some projects have to be paid for many times over, merely because they are funded on an interest-bearing basis. Under this proposal, the capital cost would be cancelled over the lifetime of the project. Again, the process is deflationary unless the rate of project implementation outstrips the capacity of the economy to construct new projects.

The proposal requires only minor amendment to the Reserve Bank Act. There is already provision in the Local Government Act requiring Local Government to adopt the form of project funding that most benefits ratepayers and residents.

-- The introduction of a unilateral variable surcharge on currency conversion is a veritable silver bullet. The objective is to correct the current account deficit. There could be some well-defined exclusions, such as for computers, machinery, and raw materials used directly to increase New Zealand's productive base and possibly for some oil products. The surcharge might initially be substantial, (perhaps 10% or more), but would decline as the current account balance is achieved. (It could even turn negative if the current account balance turns positive after allowing for public foreign debt repayment).

A positive surcharge will produce an income stream. Its initial inflationary effect on the price of imported goods can be neutralised by a compensatory reduction in internal taxation, such as a reduction in GST.

The import reductions will help correct the trade balance, increase import substitution and create jobs. It will not affect exports except insofar as the exchange rate alters when the policy is introduced..

Very long term foreign investment will not be hindered, but short to medium term speculation will be stopped absolutely dead as long as the surcharge is positive. The repatriation of profits and capital abroad will be subject to the surcharge. This will produce a currency regime based on the real economy rather than one based on the speculative paper economy.

-- The introduction of an appropriate inflation measure would involve coordination with the Department of Statistics. The existing CPI could be continued to satisfy international financial institutions. At the very least, the new measure would separate out increments reflecting additional real or improved value from those reflecting increased price only. It should also take into account changes in the "basket" of goods and services that serve to mask declines in purchasing power (reflected by changes to the quantity as well as the price of goods and services available from a given income, such as occurs through the monetisation of previously unpriced goods and services).

-- The introduction of appropriate measures of production would involve separating "goods" from "bads" and accounting for the other factors like resource depletion, pollution costs, and social and environmental degradation. The existing GDP measures could be retained to satisfy International Financial Institutions Other new measures, on a per capita basis could also be offered in other forms such as Genuine Progress Indicators and social indicators.

-- All New Zealanders can share in the increased wealth and well being of the country through the introduction of a national dividend. Such a dividend might eventually be expanded into a universal basic income or UBI that would replace the existing superannuation and welfare system with a single guaranteed non means-tested income. Initially, the dividend might be used primarily for non-inflationary increases in the money supply reflecting the increase in production in the economy.

It would increase the purchasing power of ordinary people WITHOUT the need for wage increases to appear in prices. Similarly, within limits provided by real economic growth, some new money could be spent into circulation by the government, stabilising the taxation effect on prices while at the same time providing those public services people want and are willing to pay for, such as "free" health and education.

The national dividend is finite. It may even be quite small to start with. But it is, in my view, the only way of universal distribution of wealth that avoids the justifiably unpopular and costly "tax and spend" route that has so many down-stream economic impacts across society.

Lowell Manning

** The What Matters Programme is an initiative by Boudewijn Wegerif, to spread information about what is happening in the world today, and how things could be, given a schooling at all levels to free the self and the world from debt/guilt oppression and money madness - a schooling for love. The trustees of the What Matters Programme are the collegiate of Folkhögskola Vårdinge By, an adult education residential college south of Stockholm.

You can read WHAT MATTERS E-letters 1-53 at the WHAT MATTERS web site - http://www.whatmatters.nu/wmemails/wmemailsindex.html

Boudewijn Wegerif, Torsberget, 669 92, Deje, Sweden. Tel: +46.552.21112

Administration: Johanna Heckscher, FHSK Vardingeby, 150 21 Molnbo, Sweden

 
 
 
 
 

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