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Subject:[socialcredit] From "Wealth, Want and War"
Date:Monday, March 19, 2007  19:53:50 (-0500)
From:Joe Thomson <thomsonhiyu @....ca>

The following is reproduced from C. Marshall Hattersley's "Wealth, Want and War", a well written  book on 'social credit' first published in 1937 in England. 
 
Martin Hattersley, a regular contributor to this List, and long actively involved in 'Social Credit' in Canada, is C. Marshall Hattersley's son. I can't help but notice the similarity of ideas in some of Martin's recent posts.
 
I would be most interested in whether others who have studied Douglas find what Mr. Hattersley, Sr.,  has written below consistent with methods Douglas might have advocated.  And where they might vary, and why.
 
From the chapter entitled "Questions and Answers", page 239, Section (87):- 
 
  "The banks would not be "abolished" as some people seem to suggest.  Rather they would be retained to continue their useful services as repositories of the people's money and as most efficient debt-collectors.  What is good in the existing machinery must be retained.  But monetary policy must not be left in the hands of the banking houses.
 
"This raises a difficulty.  The power of the banking system (including the Central Bank) to create ''promises to pay" is only limited by the amount of legal tender at its command, and it might be feared that any substantial increase in legal tender ~ or in Government "promises to pay" legal tender on demand,  which would amount to the same thing in practice ~ would give to the banking system the power to expand the amount of its "promises" to a possibly dangerous extent.  Many followers of Major Douglas see no harm in this, believing that so long as the amount of money on the buying side of the market  is adequate, no complications can arise from further money introduced by the banks at the producers' end.  They claim that any undue stimulation of consumption would soon find its reflection in a higher price-factor or even in a negative discount or sales tax.  Probably, however, this view is unduly sanguine.  If there is to be a proper equation between the money in circulation and the power to deliver goods, there should be only one controlling authority, and that authority should be the State.
 
"As a first step in monetary reorganization the Government should appoint a date from which it would assume full responsibility for all notes outstanding.  Bank notes would be replaced by Treasury Notes, and there would be a reversal of the process carried out in 1928 when Treasury Notes were temporarily deemed to be bank notes, and were shortly after replaced by notes printed for the purpose by the Bank of England.
 
"Even when this had been done, the issue of additional legal tender by the Government would still leave it possible for the banks to use it as the basis of additional "promises" up to at least ten times its amount..  An issue of national money of an amount fully justified by circumstancves might become the basis of monetary expansion quite out of harmony with the requirements of the situation.  It would be no solution for the government to issue as legal tender only a fraction of the new money from time to time required for there would be no certaintythat the banks would expand their promises in proportion, and if they did, such expansion would not necessarily increase consumers' purchasing power until it had passed, through industry, to the pockets of the people.  Besides, why should the people rely on the banks for nine-tenths of their money?  The creation of new money by the banks is at the same time a creation of new debt : it bears interest by reason of its very existence, and on the way to the pockets of the people it creates as many new costs as it subsequently cancels.  The creation and variation of the whole of the community's money (of which currency forms but a small part) should be the prerogative of the State.  What then about bank-created money already in existence?  The amount is considerable (over 2 billion pounds) and some people think it should be wholly replaced by legal tender.  It seems better, however, to accept the situation, and to authorise the retention of a "fiduciary issue" of "promises" of definitely limited amount, in order to permit of a change over with as little friction as possible.  It is accordingly suggested that the amount of bank's liabilities to depositors at any time uncovered by legal tender in their possession should be by law established at its present figure.  The result would be that the total amount of money in circulation would afterwards vary only with the action of the issue department of the State and to the same extent.
 
"There would have to be reasonable elasticity in enforcing this obligation, and probably the most convenient method would be to enact that the banks should pay a definite and substantial tax on all excess or deficiency of uncovered "promises".  The State would only be concerned with the aggregate variation, and the allocation of the "uncovered promises" between banks themselves could be fixed by a joint committee appointed from their own number"  *
 
 *  " It must not be inferred that Major Douglas necessarily concurs in the views expressed in this section."
 
Joe

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