| Subject: | Re: [socialcredit] Re: Bryan W. Monahan | | Date: | Thursday, April 26, 2007 18:04:33 (+1200) | | From: | Peter <cymric @.......nz>
|
The three key factors here is firstly the entity that controls the credit
policy and secondly the the existing structures Monahan has in mind through
which the implimentation of the policy will take place to experience
practical ( genuine) democracy.
Obviously control of the policy cannot remain in the possession of the
private banking system ( as that gave us the Great Depression and the
determining conditions that 'prepared' Germany and Italy for war).
Nor a govt financial department to be abused by a political party/coalition
or state bureaucrats.
The third factor is 'genuine democracy' which specifically means 'will of
the people' and no one else.
Peter
----- Original Message -----
From: <william_b_ryan@yahoo.com>
To: <socialcredit@elistas.com>
Sent: Thursday, April 26, 2007 9:21 AM
Subject: [socialcredit] Re: Bryan W. Monahan
> It's easy to read more into phrases than the author
> intended. In Monahan's case, I only have this one
> book for comparison. But I do know that it was
> serialized in the late 1940's in The Social Crediter,
> when Douglas was the Secretariat's chaiman, and I know
> that Monahan became the Secretariat's chaiman himself
> after Douglas's death, after Tudor Jones. So I am
> fairly confident the book is consistent with Douglas's
> beliefs.
>
> A few pages before the excerpts which I posted Monahan
> writes this:
>
> "We have already seen that financial
> policy--bank-created money--is based on the capacity
> of industry to produce. If financial credit were
> suddenly cut-off, industry would stop except to the
> extent that people 'saw through' the monetary
> situation. *Restriction* of credit is, in fact, the
> direct cause of so-called depression, the slowing-down
> of industry. That is to say, credit policy governs
> industry; credit *initiates* production."
>
> That is to say, a restrictive policy *hinders*
> production as opposed to initiating production.
>
> Now, go to the last sentence I previously quoted from
> Monahan:
>
> "In principle, and potentially, most of the
> organisations necessary to implement genuine democracy
> exist, and there is no difficulty in adapting these
> organisations to their proper functions."
>
> In the United States we already have the Federal
> Reserve, through which Social Credit will be
> implemented.
>
> ---------------------------------------------
> Joe Thomson wrote:
>
> ( Bill Ryan quoted, from Monahan's "Introduction to
> Social Credit" :-) "The money required for government
> purposes must be contributed out of the _distributed_
> money in the way as the funds of a club are derived
> from the subscriptions of its members.)
>
> "To give effect to these general relationships, there
> needs to be a credit-issuing organisation with a
> constitutional status equivalent to that of, say, the
> Auditor-General. To this organisation would fall the
> keeping of the national accounts, and the computation
> of the price factor; and it might quite suitably be
> the organisation through which the national dividend
> was distributed, the price-subsidy adjusted, and the
> financing of production initiated."
>
> ( Joe replies:-) "....and the financing of production
> initiated.". It would be no surprise to me that this
> statement, even when read in context of what Monahan
> has written in that piece previously, still might
> cause some confusion.
>
> Perhaps, Bill, you might care to elaborate on that so
> that what Monahan is really getting at is made
> completely clear?
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: <william_b_ryan@yahoo.com>
> To: <socialcredit@elistas.com>
> Sent: Wednesday, April 18, 2007 4:55 PM
> Subject: [socialcredit] Bryan W. Monahan
>
>
> The following is excerpted from Bryan W. Monahan's
> 1947 book, *An introduction to Social Credit*, which
> was graciously sent to me by Victor Bridger. Monahan
> was, I believe, the third chairman of the Social
> Credit Secretariat, following Dr. Tudor Jones, who had
> been deputy chairman under C. H. Douglas.
> ---------------------------------
>
>
> It is now possible to see the practical basis of the
> proper limitation of Government to its legitimate
> functions.
>
> We have already seen that the power to contract-out is
> an essential aspect of genuine democracy. But, apart
> from suicide, it is impossible, or nearly impossible,
> to contract-out of Society. Consequently, it is
> absolutely essential to protect the individual with
> "_the equivalent of a Bill of Rights ultra vires of
> parliament, together with a permanent professional
> body, trained to attack not only an existing law, but
> armed with permanent power to bring out into the open
> for cross-examination at any time the originators of
> any law which encroaches on these rights..._
>
> "One of the first results of such an arrangement would
> be an arrest in the flow of law-making. If the world
> is regarded as a factory run by officials on would-be
> mass-production lines, continuous works-orders
> camouflaged as laws are inevitable, though quite
> rapidly fatal. But, in a world in which it is
> realised that the more action is spontaneous within
> the limits of personal sovereignty the less the
> friction and the higher the general satisfaction, they
> are both redundant and objectionable." (C. H. Douglas:
> *The Brief for the Prosecution*)
>
> Such a Bill of Rights provides an area of personal
> sovereignty into which the individual can withdraw,
> and out of which he can emerge into functional
> activities of his choice, in which he subordinates
> himself to the necessities of functional organisation.
> This is like the club member who elects to play in
> some particular game.
>
> Next, the individual must derive his income "from
> outside," so to speak, and contribute money to such
> organisations, including Government, as he desires to
> support.
>
> That is to say, _the Government should have no access
> to the general credit of the community except through
> independent citizens._ It should have no powers of
> taxation except the power to collect "subscriptions"
> as agreed to by citizens acting through their
> Representatives in Parliament.
>
> Again, we see that the nationalisation of banking is
> exactly the wrong thing, since it gives the Government
> direct access to the general credit.
>
> Once the idea of the Government as the "Big Boss" is
> cleared away, it is much easier to discern its
> legitimate functions.
>
> Perhaps the first of these functions is that of
> maintaining the rights of the individual by providing
> for the proper mechanisms for the administration of
> Justice--again, a reversal of the present usurpation
> of the functions of the Courts of Law by the
> "administrative lawlessness" of the bureaucracy.
>
> Secondly, the Government has a function as a General
> Committee of Society.
>
> And thirdly, it has a function as a Board of
> Directors.
>
> It is legitimate for the Government (Cabinet) to
> propose to Parliament (the Representatives of the
> Shareholders) general expenditure to enhance the
> general real credit. It is the function of Parliament
> to authorise or to refuse such expenditure.
>
> It is legitimate for the Government to recommend the
> rate of dividend distribution, on the basis of
> properly kept accounts relating to the affairs of
> Society. (For example, the plant and resources of the
> community can be "valued" as capital assets, and this
> gives an approximation to the real credit of the
> community if the various factors are properly taken
> into account. This figure can be given a "capital"
> value in monetary terms, and a "rate of dividend," for
> example, 5% or 10%, declared. This provides a general
> income, to be allocated as between general individual
> dividends to citizens, wages and salaries, and
> subsidies to adjust prices to the physical facts. The
> money required for government purposes must be
> contributed out of the _distributed_ money in the way
> as the funds of a club are derived from the
> subscriptions of its members.)
>
> To give effect to these general relationships, there
> needs to be a credit-issuing organisation with a
> constitutional status equivalent to that of, say, the
> Auditor-General. To this organisation would fall the
> keeping of the national accounts, and the computation
> of the price factor; and it might quite suitably be
> the organisation through which the national dividend
> was distributed, the price-subsidy adjusted, and the
> financing of production initiated.
>
> In principle, and potentially, most of the
> organisations necessary to implement genuine democracy
> exist, and there is no difficulty in adapting these
> organisations to their proper functions.
> -
>
>
>
>
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